Bangladesh’s Second Independence

The recent events in Bangladesh mark a critical turning point in the nation’s political landscape, reflecting both deep-rooted frustrations and potential for transformative change. The resignation of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on August 5 following widespread and violent protests underscores the escalating discontent the people have with the Bangladeshi government. Sparked by the reinstatement of a controversial quota system for civil service jobs, the protests initially led by students quickly spiraled into a broader anti-government movement, resulting in a tragic loss of life due to the military crackdown. Amidst the protests, the prime minister implemented a nationwide curfew and cut off internet access in areas of protests as a way to prevent further dissent from spreading. As someone with family in Bangladesh, this was extremely concerning, and I often felt helpless while following the news. The UN confirmed almost 650 deaths between July 16 and August 11, more than 20,000 injured, and 11,000 arrests. Students Against Discrimination, the forerunners of the protests, demanded that Hasina step down. Eventually, after calling these protests acts of terrorism, Hasina lost support from her military. I have a cousin who is a first lieutenant, and I spoke with him about how a lot of his colleagues were torn between loyalty to the government and loyalty to the people. Eventually, an interim government was sworn in—led by Muhammad Yunus, an economist and 2006 Nobel Peace Prize winner. He was chosen by President Mohammed Shahbuddin (the president in Bangladesh is the head of state, but the Prime Minister leads the government and holds real power) which fulfilled the demands of protest leaders. 

Hasina’s increasingly authoritarian rule lasted for 15 consecutive years beginning in 2009, when she was reinstated after serving as the tenth prime minister of Bangladesh from 1996 to 2001. Her father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, was the leader of the nation during its fight for independence against Pakistan in 1971 and later became Bangladesh’s first Prime Minister. After Bangladesh gained independence, Rahman implemented a quota for liberation fighters’ jobs. Both my grandfathers who fought in the war recall the relief and joy after victory but also the immense exhaustion. The quota incentivized soldiers to start working and building the rebirthed country, and eventually the quota extended to disabled people, women, and people from certain districts. From 1975 to 1990, the military government did not enforce the quota and it only started being implemented seriously when Hasina came back to power in 2009. The new motive behind the quotas was a nepotistic strategy to recruit party loyalists. The quotas reserved 30 percent of government jobs for relatives of veterans called freedom fighters. These quotas were discontinued in 2018 after mass protests but reinstated this past June. Students rightfully found it unjust for jobs to be given based on heritage instead of merit. While Bangladesh’s high court intended the reversing to reserve jobs for marginalized communities such as women, disabled people, and descendants of freedom fighters, they faced significant criticism. Although the promotion of inclusivity seems benign on the surface level, those descendants of veterans were overrepresented, highlighting the underlying motive of nepotism. 

While this reinstatement was the breaking point that led to the mass student protests, deep political divisions have been simmering for a long time. The Awami League, led by Rahman, won the first general election in Pakistan in 1970 but was denied power by the military, leading to a crackdown and the Bangladesh Liberation War. After independence, internal conflicts within the Awami League and a famine in 1974 led to a decline in Rahman’s popularity and a coup by junior military officers that resulted in his assassination, culminating in his establishment of a one-party state. This was followed by a counter-coup that brought General Ziaur Rahman, founder of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), to power. The BNP positioned itself against the Awami League’s secularism by promoting a more Islamist, nationalist vision. This rivalry between the Awami League and BNP has since defined Bangladeshi politics. After the Awami League took power with Hasina’s landslide victory in 2009, she abolished the caretaker government that typically oversees elections to make it fair for both parties. During the 2014 election, BNP leader Khaleda Zia was put under house arrest, and there were widespread reports of violence against opposition parties. The BNP and other parties boycotted the election, and Hasina again won by a landslide. The 2018 election was tainted with controversy around electronic voting, continued reports of violence against BNP opposition, and voter suppression. Hasina won her fifth term in office last January, and the BNP boycotted the election.  

While corruption and inequality have hindered Bangladesh’s potential, the country has progressed economically, developed infrastructure, and balanced tensions between Hindus and Muslims under Hasina. Although her resignation is a step forward for democracy, it’s critical, now more than ever, for the country to recollect and gear itself towards stability and continued economic growth. However, the road to that contains many political, religious, and infrastructural obstacles. After Hasina fled the country to India, reports of violent retaliation against Awami League members and the Hindu minority increased. Witnesses and local media reported that rioters targeted Hindu homes and temples and killed around 60 people. However, more recent fact-checkers have said that most of these accounts of attacks were exaggerated and misleading, offering that the motive behind the violence was likely more politically aimed than religious. Eight percent of Bangladesh’s 170 million residents are Hindus and have historically been in support of the Awami League, which protected them and put a stop to earlier Islamist extremists. These events have created negative narratives against Muslims in Islam-majority Bangladesh and have undermined the interim government. During this period of transition, it’s extremely important to first stop all violence that is creating further chaos and destruction, and then stop misinformation that will fuel Islamophobia and further division.

As of right now, the interim government and representative protestors will lead the country until an election can happen. In the meantime, stability needs to be maintained as much as possible. This becomes more and more difficult, as recent flooding killed at least 13 people and impacted millions in the northeast. Tensions between Bangladesh and India continue to rise as the interim government accused India of opening dam gates without warning, which the Indian government denied. 

It’s a time of extreme chaos but also a time to be proud of the current generation of young people who have effectively forwarded this revolution. I was truly inspired by the way the students took matters into their own hands and within a month forced an autocratic leader to flee the country she led for over 15 years. The secular organization by Gen-Z in Bangladesh and their fight for its second independence motivated teachers, parents, and all kinds of people to join the cause. It demonstrates the power and resilience that’s able to thrive in an impoverished and overpopulated nation. It’s also extremely satisfying that the student leader chose Muhammad Yunus, a beacon of Bangladeshi reform and someone Hasina persecuted for over a decade, to lead the country in this hour of turmoil. In his first speech, he called for an end to violence and the protection of people of all religions and ethnic minorities. Although he is 84 years old and not fit to run the country long-term, he’s a fitting bridge of wisdom in this transitory period. In order for the nation to heal and rebuild, past corruption must be acknowledged by leaving behind or reforming past political parties and continuing a progressive and inclusive governance. The goal is renewing a strong and solid democracy, and it won’t be possible without the determination and fierceness of youth backed by the support of adults and taking the reins from past revolutionary ancestors.